American anticolonialism also supplies a hidden motive to the foreign policy of the United States. Too many Americans hoped for the eternal gratitude of the peoples liberated and released owing to American pressure. Nothing of that sort, however, has ever happened. Even the material aid given to the “emerging nations” has not modified the attitude of these peoples or their governments in favor of the United States. Recall the speech of Senator John F. Kennedy in 1957 against France in favor of a “free Algeria”; the concerted efforts of America and Britain’s Labour government to “stop the Dutch” in Indonesia; the American activities on behalf of “Indian freedom”; the highly positive and encouraging attitude of the United States toward “decolonization” in tropical Africa. Then look at the UN record of the “emerging nations,” supported at great material sacrifice by the United States. More often than not we have seen them voting against the stands of the United States.

Yet while not receiving any recognition for its moral and financial aid to these nations, the United States has by this aid effectively antagonized small influential (not necessarily wealthy) groups of Europeans, turning them into fanatical anti-Americans and thus severely weakening the fabric of the Free World. These Europeans are not necessarily expellees from Africa and Asia-former landowners, civil servants, factory managers, teachers, doctors, and merchants. They might be their relatives; they might be people, even little people, who had lost their investments in overseas areas; they might just be patriots who hate the thought that their country’s flag had to be taken down somewhere in the big, wide world. The expellees very often had been born in the colonies, the mother country to them is a strange country and they felt bitter pain when they were torn away from their native soil. Many of them believed they had a mission among the natives. (Some of them actually were missionaries.) They naturally deplored the demagoguery of a small semi-intellectual minority. Others were victims of mob violence, of rape, mutilation, and other indignities as a result of the “decolonizing process.”

And since decolonization is being preached simultaneously by Moscow and Washington (by Moscow hypocritically and by Washington sincerely), these victims of the Cold War talk about a decolonizing Moscow-Washington Axis engaged in a permanent auction, an incessant bidding during which the battle cry, ‘I can be more anticolonialist than you are,” can be heard all the time. In this noble-ignoble competition Moscow (with much smaller bribes) is almost always the winner, while the bill for this senseless struggle is being paid by Europeans and “natives” alike. It is on issues like these that it becomes eminently clear that the American left, spearheading this anticolonialist drive, is the competitor of communism, not its enemy. Competitors do not contradict each other; they try to outdo each other.

Erik Kuehnelt-Leddihn, Leftism: From de Sade and Marx to Hitler and Marcuse (1974)

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